We may be witnessing the beginning of the end of Free Market Global Capitalism. The ideological mantra of continual economic growth upon which the entire capitalist system is based is in serious question. The ongoing and apparently unsolvable fiscal crises in Europe and the United States should alert us to the fact that something fundamental is happening to our taken-for-granted (but basically flawed) economic beliefs. It seems to have eluded the financial gurus and capitalists that everlasting growth in an environment of finite resources is an impossibility. Sooner or later those resources will be used up and the growth that they have made possible must come to an end.
One of those resources upon which the entire system depends – oil - is now beginning to dry up, and worse still, the fossil fuels that remain, if they continue to be exploited and burned, threaten the very existence of life on earth. Despite political assurances of business as usual and the continuing blind pursuit of further Free Trade Agreements (China, India, the US?) the signs are all around us that the system is falling apart under the twin pressures of Peak Oil and Climate Change. In New Zealand this winter, fruit and vegetable prices reached unprecedented levels, due to the Queensland floods earlier in the year and the cost of air-freight. Unable to compete with Australian imports in better times, New Zealand growers had ceased production in the absence of which demand has now vastly outstripped supply. The same has happened with other foods, so that now low-income New Zealand families are left unable to properly feed themselves. This is just a small current example, but it portends much worse in the long term.
All of this has happened because over the last twenty years we have allowed ourselves to be lulled into being consumers rather than producers, buying our commodities and luxuries from far away, and supported by the price of cheap oil. At the same time, we have used this cheap oil to fuel (no pun intended) our export drive to sell our own commodities and produce far overseas where prices are better and profits bigger, condemning New Zealanders to paying unaffordable export prices for domestic products – staples like cheese, milk, lamb, beef - foods for which New Zealand was a major producer and consumer and which were always available and inexpensive.
These unaffordable export prices, and the economy on which they are built are completely dependent upon the availability of cheap fossil fuel as well as on a stable global climate (as well as the dollar exchange rate which is influenced by both). When either of these two factors changes, the price of food will increase, and since it now seems apparent that oil is running out and the climate is changing, we can confidently conclude that the system in its entirety is becoming increasingly unstable and unsustainable, ultimately, I believe, to the point of collapse.
In this context, the (suburban) patterns of human settlement to which we have become accustomed over the last seventy years are no longer tenable and we need urgently to develop housing systems that are affordable, sustainable and environmentally friendly. This PDF tells the story of the development of a sustainable housing system for a Maori tribal group in New Zealand. The project is currently on hold.
All of this will inevitably impact upon the way we live and the way we will need to live if we are to survive with any semblance of dignity. The climatic and economic shifts that are now beginning to manifest will require different kinds of human relationship, and therefore different kinds of settlement patterns. The suburban sprawl that was spawned by cheap oil and oil-industry and automobile manufacturer inspired freeway developments are now becoming an encumbrance as private transport becomes increasingly expensive. This essay looks at three different settlement contexts:
It suggests three different planning strategies that can be used to create more sustainable communities.
To download the PDF click here
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The Bicultutalism PDF comprises an article published in the Journal of Architectural Education (USA) which outlines the process and theoretical background behind the Whakatane Project. It looks at the relationship between knowledge and power and domination by consent - that is, hegemony. It then assesses the implication of this nexus for design theorising, and looks at the issue of epistemological privilege for dominant culture designers who work in a cross-cultural setting. All of this theoretical foundation is then used to explicate the Whakatane Study. What is interesting about this publication (which won the 1992 Journal of Architectural Education Award for Outstanding Article of the Year) is that it so clearly links theory and practice in their reciprocal relationship. The article was also later published in the 1991 book, Voices in Architectural Education, (above) edited by Tom Dutton and published by Bergin and Garvey. See also, Critical Decolonisation: The Whakatane Study .
To download PDF cliick here .
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To download a more fully rounded and comprehensive analysis of these same issues in a related paper Anti-Capitalist Models of Health click here
Hannes Meyer William Morris
Philip Johnson Henry-Russel Hitchcock
Mies Van Der Rohe
These 3 PDFs illustrate a chapter, "The Suppression of the Social in Design: Architecture as War", in the 1996 book, Reconstructing Architecture: Critical Discourses and Social Practices, Edited by Tom Dutton and Lian Hurst Mann and published by the University of Minnesota Press. It describes the flight away from a social agenda towards a depoliticised aesthetic that was sweeping architecture from the 1980s onwards. It looks at the social, political and economic causes of this process and makes a case for a transformative architecture and a transformative architectural education.
Part 1 looks as the origins of the discipline. Beginning with the emergence of Architecture as an academic discipline, it charts its growth and implications in the development of Capitalism up to and including the beginning of the 20th Century - specifically in two parallel but separate forms associated with Modernism: Architecture as an Art, and Architecture as a Science. It suggests that the Art Paradigm of Architecture emerged as the dominant trend insofar as it served the interests of the ruling elite and of the Church. It posits the development of a depoliticised aesthetic, linked to theories of the sublime (Kant) as the mystification through which hegemony was constructed and maintained.
Part 2 continues the analytic, beginning with the 2nd World War, where Science emerged as the dominant paradigm - using theories and techniques derived from wartime production processes to address issues of mass housing and functionality. Key to this development were the fields of Operational Research, Design Methods and social and cultural analysis using models appropriated from Psychology, Semiotics and Structuralism. It charts the emergence of a participatory/democratic movement in design through the 1960s and 1970s. This period came to an end by the 1980s, where the Conservative retrenchment of the Reagan and Thatcher administrations actively suppressed social programmes and reinscribed the ethic of appearances and spin over functionality and accountability. This shift has not gone unchallenged, and Critical Theories of Postmodernism - a Postmodernism of Resistance emerged to contest the hegemonies of style and privilege brought in by increasing disparities of wealth.
Part 3 illustrates how this struggle manifests in the field of Architectural education - using examples from the Community Design Studio at the University of Auckland, New Zealand as an exemplar of a more general movement of radical design education in the service of the poor and oppressed. It argues for the development of what Giroux has called a "Radical Provisional Morality" in which utopian visions can be developed not as an end in themselves, but as a means of organising and coalescing a movement of resistance and empowerment against the hegemony of both academia and the miliary industrial complex which it increasingly serves.
To download Part 1 click here
To download Part 2 click here
To download Part 3 click here
To Download PDF click here
This PDF was first published by Architecture and Behaviour Magazine for a special issue: Vol. 9 (1993), No. 1. pp. 1-156. The paper was presented at an invited seminar in Monte Veritas on Lake Locarno, Switzerland in April of that year. In it, I review the cultural politics of design and design education. As noted in the Introduction:
"In architecture .... postmodern design theorists have developed structures of understanding which reinstate design practice as a depoliticised sub-category of fine art production, which takes as its sine qua non the building-as-beautiful-object, founded upon what are reputed to be universally accepted aesthetic norms. In so doing they have at the same time divorced form from its social, cultural and political roots, and have presented it as a value free commodity, the embodiment of the postmodern conception of the "free-floating-signifier" to be bartered and traded in an ever-escalating attempt to transform the use value of buildings into the exchange value of speculative, designed environment. In this process, notions of how the shaping of the built environment might reflect and reproduce asymmetrical arrangements of power which benefit these theorists themselves have been entirely elided from the theoretical discourse. These theories are paradoxically represented as value-free, while at the same time their ideological roots have been masked in logical mystifications which inhibit critical interrogation. They have played a crucial part in bringing about the abandonment of scientific rationality as a mediating factor of architectural design, and their ideology now stands as the dominant belief system to a whole new generation of design students. Yet postmodern theory has been applied in the design disciplines in a partial and selective manner calculated to prescribe the ways in which the professional designer might operate as a public intellectual. Its proponents in the design professions seek to preserve a sacrosanct domain of professional expertise, based upon normative theories of aesthetics, through which the designer might exercise control over what stands for quality in the built environment
Tom Dutton is a regular contributor to this website. For more than 20 years he has devoted himself to fighting the gentrification and cultural displacement programmes of the Cincinnati City Council in Over-the-Rhine. The Miami University Centre for Community Engagement in Over the Rhine which he founded and of which he is the Director brings students from the University in Oxford, Ohio to wage a war of resistance to the econocide that is being applied to the mostly black citizens of Over-the-Rhine.
There are two pieces here written by Tom. The first, Colony Over-the--Rhine was written by and posted at the end of March 07 at: Cincinnati Beacon.com. It critically unpacks the issue of cultural blindness in the context of the gentrification of OTR in downtown Cincinnati, and focuses in on the issue of "Econocide" - that is, the introduction of a "Mixed Economy" into poor neighbourhoods - ostensibly to increase investment and bring jobs to poor blacks, but IN FACT to displace the African American population which is uniformly characterised as "criminal" and "deviant". To download the PDF click here.
The second is a review of Alice Skirtz, Econocide: Elimination of the Urban Poor (Washington, DC: NASW Press, 2012). Originally published in StreetVibes (November 9–22, 2012). It can be downloaded by clicking here
Valencia Gardens 1943 Valencia Gardens 2004
"As I squinted through the viewfinder, I heard the sound of running feet approaching, and looked up just as the camera was wrenched from my hand.
I still held the strap, and clung tight to it determined to not give way to my fear as the young man on the other end tried to pull it from my grasp. We faced each other.
He, (6 foot six, black, broad and all muscle) “Let go the camera!”
Me (too dumbfounded to think) No!
There we stood, face to face and at two-arms length apart, as the rest of his group caught up to him and slowly formed a semi-circle, edging me back up against the brick wall of a body shop. The street, which until then had been thronged with workers and passers now strangely empty and quiet.
“Let go the camera!
“No!” (surprised that he had not used a profanity).Whereupon he reached over with his other free hand, took the lens in one hand and the body in the other and quickly snapped the two apart.I felt a deep rage welling up inside, and insanely I moved towards him, only to have a much smaller youth of about 14 step in my path. I stopped, confused. He was wearing a dirty raincoat pulled closed in front of him, and was smiling broadly. Slowly, he opened the front of his raincoat to reveal the twin barrels of a sawn-off shotgun.....
In early 1993, I was visiting my family in San Francisco. Reading the S. F. Chronicle I noticed a debate going on about the City Council’s decision to locate a number of very expensive and modern abstract art sculptures in the internal courtyards of Valencia Gardens at 15th and Mission. The Gardens were an award-winning public housing project designed in the late 1950s, early 1960s, by William Wurster, a prominent Bay Area architect (and founder of the famous Berkeley College of Environmental Design (and School of Architecture where I had earlier taught).
To download PDF click here
"The activity of design (as in design process) is commonly thought to be what the designer does, alone at the drawing board. It is in this... sense of the term, referring to the activity, that I would like to consider. Temporarily suspend the common definition, and imagine instead that every individual with a voice in the design process is a kind of designer - the client, the engineer, the contractor, the inhabitants, the college president, the fundraiser, and so on. The architect-designer among those individuals, has the added responsibilities of coordinating all contributions and giving them some spatial expression. Design, then, is taking place whenever any of these actors make plans about the future environment. While these actors may not sketch their concepts into architectural form, their input will frame design solutions. Moreover, it is from the context of all these interactions that a building emerges.... "It will be clear that this more general conception of design probably does not carry the same cultural capital with the building owner or financier as the more restrictive sense in which it is used by professional designers- embodied, as students have reminded us, in the role model of Howard Roark - and this should alert us to the purpose of its restricted usage. In the realm of education, it is considered as an art or a craft, and is highly valued, I would suggest for its ability to maintain the normative definition in the marketplace. If this is the case, then it is not surprising that there is professional resistance to tampering with its categorical meaning. In a very real sense, the primacy of design as a core concept of architectural identity and status is indicative of its historical centrality in the development of the profession as a profession. The history of the profession is, in other words, the history of the evolution of the social conception of the activity of "designing" and of the role of the "designer" as a separate social being.
".. the foundation of the liberal status of the practice of art, without which it would not have been possible to distinguish painting, sculpture and architecture from, say, silversmithing or furniture-making, and the artist from the craftsman."In other words, the skills and techniques of disegno were first and foremost a device of social distinction and discrimination. Alberti himself, of course, had established a precedent for the newly emerging gentleman-architect-artist, and Wilkinson notes that his De re aedificatoria presents us with the first characterisation of the new role model of the artist-intellectual, based upon the authority of Vitruvius. Realising that the artist's striving for a new social status depended upon a new style of patronage:
"The architect aspired to be educated like the courtier and to behave like one; and between him and his patron was the bond of a shared appreciation of the theory of architecture."
“Architecture is the art of organising a mob of craftsmen. This, the original meaning of the word, expresses an essential fact...the conceptions of an architect must be worked out by other hands and other minds than his own” (emphasis added)
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With the emergence of the Autonomous Designer, the institutionalisation of design training became a matter of course. Design patrons like de Medici gathered around them a stable of increasingly famed designers, and Academies began to emerge for the transmission of design knowledge. Their existence was supported by the influx of huge amounts of gold from the Americas - the cost of the many fine Renaissance palaces and churches paid for by the blood of Indigenous peoples in Mexico, Peru, Columbia, Bolivia etc. This was what gave capitalism its critical power and energy. The Church was a major beneficiary of this wealth and dispensed it to the emerging design community. However, control over design costs and design form became an imperative for the Church, leading to increased competition between designers. Michelangelo's increasing seclusion and alienation from public life was one result of these tensions.
This was all exacerbated by the Reformation and the emerging battle of ideologies and styles between the Church and the Reformists as Church architecture became increasingly regulated, still and propagandist.
To download the PDF The Institutionalisation of Design click here .
To download document click on image
With the arrival of the design academies, it was only a matter of time before the increasingly systematised nature of design knowledge should be turned to ideological ends. The Reformation proved the catalyst for this emergence. The Church, losing vast numbers of its congregation (and therefore its revenue) to the Protesters and also beginning to suffer from the massive inflation brought about by the enormous increase in capital from colonial American gold, turned its attention to the ways in which design itself could be employed to reverse its losses. The vanguard troops in this spiritual battle were the Jesuit order, founded by St Ignatius Loyola. Jesuit churches began to appear throughout Europe. These began to embody the new design features designed to contrast with the secularism and austerity of the Reform churches - the use of gold leaf (from the Americas) to increase the sensuousness of the forms, the introduction of hidden light sources to add a sense of mystery, the use of free-standing and extreme bas relief sculptures to develop the audience, incense, stained glass etc. All were used with the explicit purpose of heightening the sensual and spiritual experience of church-going. It worked. The congregation came back!
To view PDF click here
For a related Blog Artiicle that celebrates the syuperior design skills of Hannes Meyer (Misfits' Notes on Archirecture) click here:
Traditionally, TIME has been the conceptual category that was linked to critical social theorising. Marx saw the purchase of the worker's time as the key ingredient in the exploitation of the working class and as the basis for new theories of social change. More recently, mostly through the work and writings of Henri Lefebvre, we have come to understand the crucial role played by Space in the dynamic of social control and hegemony. These 3 PDFs chart the way that Space has historically played a key role in the processes of colonisation and subjugation. They show how DisPLACEment and rePLACEment of meaning were and are used to undermine resistance to colonisation.
The analysis is in three parts:
Click on image to download
Following this, Part 3 discusses the role played by appropriation and commodification in the reproduction of capitalist economies and values - demonstrating, for instance, how the modern concept of Landscape has been socially constructed to depoliticise and mystify the role of space in the process of social control.
For a parallel and somewhat abbreviated analysis see Hegemony and Space
Theris also a much more comprehensive analysis available in three separate PDFs: Critical Space Part 1, Critical Space Part 2, and Critical Space part 3. They can be accessed and downloaded by clicking here
In the last few years, this potential has begun to be realised as the city, in partnership with investors and developers, have embarked on a process of gentrification that is displacing the entire resident community of poor,African Americans. Tom is the Director of the Miami University Center for Community Engagement in Over-the-Rhine , and through the Center, has been working with service agencies to support the residents in resisting displacement.
In the Spring Semester of 2010, Tom and I co-taught a design studio in Over-the-Rhine. Its purpose was to explore issues of urban sustainability - to look at alternative models of development that would include not just environmental and economic sustainability (which the City and its friendly developers don't even do at the moment), but to look also at social and cultural sustainability - that would allow and encourage development, but in a way that would safeguard the life and culture of its existing residents.
The 30 or so students in the program were self-selected. That is, they had chosen this particular project out of a range of available options. Since the goals and expectations of the project had been clearly articulated in the original course description, Tom and I naturally assumed that the students would be highly motivated about the need for greater sustainability. We assumed, further, that as the upcoming generation of leaders, they would be keen to learn as much as they could about problems of global warming, climate change and their environmental design consequences, since it was they who would have to be largely responsible for finding solutions. These were assumptions that were to be called into question as the project proceeded.
To also see a case study on the issue of Community Sustainability click here
We like to think that our science and technology are superior to any that has gone before, and particularly to that of those that we have colonised. Our notions of "progress" are deeply rooted in the colonial project such that we tend to overlook the remarkable knowledge systems that we eradicate as we"advance" our civilisation.
In this heavily-illustrated article about these staggeringly beautiful buildings you will find a knowledge of environmental and building technology that will surprise. This knowledge - possessed by the ancient Indians of the American Southwest - is much more sophisticated than anything we ourselves can conceive when we talk about "sustainability". Our "sophistication" has brought us to the brink of planetary catastrophe. Theirs was based upon a deep knowledge and wisdom of the earth, the climate, the seasonal cycles and the potentials of differing building materials and technologies that allowed them to subsist and prosper through a 100 year drought. We are just beginning to uncover the remarkable sophistication of the Hisatsinom (Anasazi)
I start with images of a number of their pueblo structures - capturing their breathtaking simplicity and awesome drama - before embarking on an in-depth analysis of their environmental and thermal sophistication.
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The molectual and spatial models
In 1965 I was one of a group of final year students at the Birmingham School of Architecture who embarked upon a remarkable final thesis project - the design of an Electrical Engineering Faculty for the University of Birmingham using a new and exciting design methodology that we had developed. It was early in the days of Design Methods and a large part of our project involved an extensive research into the field. In the process we evolved our own Method - far in advance, in some ways, of what was being developed elsewhere by academics and industrial designers on big government grants. We set ourselves the task of designing a complex building entirely by mathematical computations, seeking to eliminate arbitrary decisions and value judgements from the process of design. We were confronting directly the traditional myth of the designer as an inspired genius awaiting patiently a vision from which to craft his design. It was an exciting time. It led me on, eventually to work with Christopher Alexander and the late Barry Poyner in London, to a Research Fellowship in Design Methods at Portsmouth Polytechnic (where I convened the first Design Methods in Architecture Conference in 1967), and eventually to a position on the Faculty at the College of Environmental Design in Berkeley, California. This work projected me into a life of academicism which has been the consuming passion of my life. The work was the beginning of a series of public l;ectures - at the RIBA in London, and at Universities in Cardiff, Glasgow and Birmingham. It led to my involvement with the nascent Design Research Society, and eventually to being there at the inception of the Environmental Design Research Association (EDRA) in the USA. This was the beginning....
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Following on from my work with Christopherv Alexander and Barry Poyner in 1996 I taught part-time for a while at the Kingston Polytechnic School of Architecture under the headship of Dennis Berry. I taught Relational Theory (as it was then called) until, in 1967, I was offered a position at the Portsmouth Polytechic under Geoffrey Broadbent as a Research Fellow in Design Methods. There were three Research Fellowships. The other two were take up by Malcolm Carder (now the notable artist and illustrator Malcolm Godwin) and Laurie Fricker, a landscape architect and friend of Buckminster Fuller. Portsmouth was an exciting place to be. It was the 1960s, we were an hour away from London and the School of Architecture under Broadbent was out to make a name for uitself as a centre of excellence in design theorising - and design methods stood at the very heart of that vision. My main contribution was the organisation and presentation of the First International Symposium Design Methods in Architecture. The Symposium took place on the now defunct South Parade Pier in Southsea and attraqcted a cast of academics that reads lijke a Who's Who in design theorising. Geoffrey Broadbent himself, Amos Rapoport, Bruce Archer, Janet Daley, Chris Jones and Jane Abercrombie. The Symposium predated and foreshadowed the 1968 Design Methods Group Conference at MIT, which was co-hosted by Berkeley and Harvard, and at which the Environmental design research Association was established. So the Portsmouth Symposium played a major role in design theoirising throughout the 1970s and up to the present. The proceedings of the symposium, which I edited, were published in English by Wittenborne in London and New York, and in Spanish by Gili of Madrid. A synopsis of the Symposium was published in the Architects Journal by Geoffrey Broadbent. A PDF pf that paper can be downloaded here.
Barry Smith's House Barry Smith's Sink
During the 1970s there was a plethora of writings which celebrated the skills of the non-professional designer/builder. Bernard Rudofsky's Architecture Without Architects, and his equally engaging The Prodigious Builders werecompanioned by Art Boerike's The Craftsman Builder, and Handmade Houses. In 1978, I was approached by Architectural Design Magazine (AD) to write an article on the subject for a special edition. This is that article. Looking back now, it is interesting to see how, even then, I was interested in design as an instrument of cultural identity - an interest that has grown over the years to embrace many different cultural forms. Beyond that, this was a time befor globalisation, before the so-called "Free-Market ideology took hold, before the commodification of life itself. These houses represent the embodiment of Paulo Freire's dictum, "In creating our world we create ourselves". They are houses that bhave been lovingly conceived and constructed in the best meaning of the term "Vernacular" in that they respond to personality, idekntity, site context, climate and an inate deesire to eschew institutiopnalised forms of building, culture, behaviour and life itself. They are the antithesis of the bureaucratic requirements of building regulations, planning laws and social conventions. They express what is best about the unquentiable zest that lies at the centre of the human spirit.
To download the PDF click Handmade Houses.
Barry Smith was one of my heroes. He lived in the small rural community of Canyon in Contra Costa County,, just over the hills from Berkeley where I worked. Barry had moved in and built his house before the area was populaed - before the suburban sprawl started to push up real estate values for fifty miles around. The house had no external walls - just a soaring series of plywood hyperparabolic structures set on poles over an enormous sand-filled firepit. His chickens, dogs and goats wandered freely thoughout his home. I asked him once if he ever got cold in Winter? "No" he said, "If I start to feel cold I just put on another sweater!"
The bathtub was suspended in the trees over a brazier that he used to warm the bathwater. The building inspectors and planning moguls hated him. Three times they had "red-stickered" his house (posted a non-occupancy and demoltion notice. Each time Barry had taken them to court and won. But they wouldn't give up. He was standing int he way of vast development profits from the potential subdivision of virgin redwood forest development and he couldn't be allowed to prevent "progress" from its inexorable advance. On an impulse one beautiful Autumn day I drove over the hill to visit Barry. As I drove up I saw that he was shepherding his goats and his dog into his VW campervan and that the roofrack was piled high with equipment covered in a tarp. "Hi, Barry", I said, Where are you going? Taking a Vacation?"
"I'm gointg to Russia," he replied, "across the Bering Straight. It will be frozen over by the time I get there!" I was incredulous. "Are you leraving for good?" I asked. "Yup! he said. "But what about your house?" I asked. For yeasrs you've been fighting to stay here and winning. Are you giving up?"
"Tony," he responded. "I've decided that no matter how much they want me to leave, this time I'm actually going to do it!". He recognised that he had become addicted to the fight and that his life had otherwise been on hold for over ten years. Without a backward glance, he got into his van and disappeared down the road, leaving me to wander bemused through the silent citadel he had created.
Design for a book cover Freehand pen and ink drawing, Interior, Carlisle Cathedral
Perspective Sketch, Great Harwood Parish Church
Details of a Corinthian Facade, Entablature amd Capitals
Detail of aHistory of Architecture Study
Design for a Fantasy Bridge
An Artists Studio
AHarbour Beacon and Shelter
A Blacksmith Workshop
Design for a Branch Library
Design for a Skiff and Punt Club
To download the first PDF click here.
To download the later article click here
Students Protesting the Design of an Auckland Performing Arts Centre
This article was first published in Design Studies magazine (UK) in 1989 under the title "Phenomenological Analysis in the Design Process". It interrogates the role played by ideology in the value systems inherent in design, in architecture and (by extension) in aesthetics. It critiques the Modernist notion of rationality and shows it to be a myth which masks a desire for cultural control and imposition. The article was a precursor to my later (PhD) research into Critical Theory and particularly Critical Aesthetics. As such it lacks the depth of analysis of my later work, but is still, I believe, of historical interest within the context of the material available on the website.
Using examples from:
it demonstrates how group creativity can be developed using techniques from phenomenological analyses th achieve consensus designs which reflect the multivalent perceptions of the designers. It follows on from research into Design Archetypes and prefigures the later writings on Ideology and Design.
To download PDF click here
Composite image of multiple student bulk and location studies
This PDF describes the theoretical basis upon which much of the Community Design Studio was based - how to develop a process of collective designing that:
- tapped the individual creativity of each student
- was conflict-free
- filtered out all of the areas of disagreement
- built conceptually on all the areas of agreement
- was effective at consensus building
- led to a universally agreed outcome
The article was first published in Design Studies Magazine in 1987. To download PDF click here
For a more comprehensive explanation of the design process click here